Peter Beyer's article Religion and Globalization examines the relationship between these two phenomena in depth, after remarking at the start that globalization is a very new word with a very old meaning, and religion is a very old word that is constantly coming to mean new things. This insightful observation complicates the issue slightly, as it is therefore possible to make the mistake of dealing with either the old or the new, but not both. Beyer not only manages to avoid this, but actually embraces the complication by detailing the connection between religion the old and religion the new, in terms of the five major religions of the world.
He outlines three separate ways in which religion and globalization affect each other. The first is through transnational migration, in which people from one religious homeland travel away to other countries, taking their religious traditions with them. This has the effect of altering the religious dynamic of the host society and spreading previously geographically-centred religions across the world. If such a thing can be said, this has both a local and a global impact on globalization, because it at the same time changes a local community and the global religious landscape.
The second is through the globalization of religious institutions. This is partly brought about by the latter point just made, but is also aided in no small degree by the rapid exchange of media across the globe. In the world of the television and the internet, religious ideas, concepts and practices can spread without being carried by people of faith. This is a particularly interesting way to view religion and globalization, because in this situation, not only does a minority religion have the possibility of growth in any given community, but the changes any religion undergoes in a country that is not its homeland can be carried back to the land of origin and adopted, or adapted, once again.
The final effect is the role religion plays in modern politics, including global politics. This has both a positive and a negative outcome, which Beyer illustrates by mentioning countries in which the two can be seen. The positive involves association, inclusion and affiliation of one national identity with others who share religious conviction. The negative involves disassociation, opposition and in some cases, aggression, from one national identity towards all others who claim different religious convictions. It is worth noting that this third effect mostly occurs in situations where religion and politics are closely related, and that this can be seen in almost any political system anywhere in the world. Thus it can be observed that several religions have institutional, if not also political, presence and authority in most parts of the world. These religions are Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity, Islam and Judaism. What remains is for the political authority some religions possess in some areas of the world to spread to places where the same religions have less political authority - which can only really be achieved through implementation of the first two methods of religious globalization.
Reference
Beyer, P. (2007). Religion and Globalization. In Ritzes, G. (ed), The Blackwell Companion to Globalization. Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
Tuesday, 28 May 2013
Tuesday, 21 May 2013
Asian cinematic stereotypes
Hemant Shah's article "Asian Culture" and Asian American Identities in the Television and Film Industries of the United States outlines four 'Asian stereotypes' persistently seen in American television and film productions. Shah has labelled these the 'Yellow Peril', 'Dragon Lady', 'Charlie Chan' and 'Lotus Blossom' stereotypes.
Shah's identification of these stereotypes is very strong. Readers would recognise all of them. The 'yellow peril' stereotype depicts Asians as a corrupting, threatening force who endanger honest clean-living Caucasians. As the most overtly racist stereotype, this is also the least obviously present in contemporary television and cinema. The 'dragon lady' refers to Asian women, portrayed as self-willed and manipulative, who use the men they seduce as a means to an end. 'Charlie Chan', supposedly a more positive stereotype, depicts Asian men as being modest and quietly intelligent, content to work for their white superiors and assist in problem solving by using their 'Eastern wisdom'. 'Lotus blossom' describes meek Asian women who cater to the every need of white men, and look on them as protectors. This is not an exhaustive list of the stereotypes that can be found, but it is fairly comprehensive.
The one weakness of Shah's article is that it does not deal with cinema or television contemporary to the time of writing. The examples come from the period in and around the 1930s, with only one or two examples of more modern film or television in which these stereotypes can be seen. However, since Shah is arguing that these stereotypes are still prevalent, it would be more convincing to draw all the examples the article deals with from time at which it was written, to the greatest possible extent.
Reference
Shah, H. (2003). "Asian Culture" and Asian American Identities in the Television and Film Industries of the United States. Studies in Media and Information Literacy Education, 3(3): 1-10.
Shah's identification of these stereotypes is very strong. Readers would recognise all of them. The 'yellow peril' stereotype depicts Asians as a corrupting, threatening force who endanger honest clean-living Caucasians. As the most overtly racist stereotype, this is also the least obviously present in contemporary television and cinema. The 'dragon lady' refers to Asian women, portrayed as self-willed and manipulative, who use the men they seduce as a means to an end. 'Charlie Chan', supposedly a more positive stereotype, depicts Asian men as being modest and quietly intelligent, content to work for their white superiors and assist in problem solving by using their 'Eastern wisdom'. 'Lotus blossom' describes meek Asian women who cater to the every need of white men, and look on them as protectors. This is not an exhaustive list of the stereotypes that can be found, but it is fairly comprehensive.
The one weakness of Shah's article is that it does not deal with cinema or television contemporary to the time of writing. The examples come from the period in and around the 1930s, with only one or two examples of more modern film or television in which these stereotypes can be seen. However, since Shah is arguing that these stereotypes are still prevalent, it would be more convincing to draw all the examples the article deals with from time at which it was written, to the greatest possible extent.
Reference
Shah, H. (2003). "Asian Culture" and Asian American Identities in the Television and Film Industries of the United States. Studies in Media and Information Literacy Education, 3(3): 1-10.
Tuesday, 14 May 2013
Aboriginal spirituality and ways of knowing.
Much of the scholarly writing on Indigenous religion examines the different 'ways of knowing' involved in certain types of spiritualities. This is excellent, as it gives a firm and realistic context to the study of Indigenous religion, which would probably otherwise be lacking. The problem is that this discussion of different ways of knowing does not occur in everyday transfer of information. That is, it is not discussed in any depth in the media.
This makes it very difficult for an accurate transference of understanding between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.The case study in Aboriginal spirituality in a new age is a good example of this. Silas, Wolmbey, because he had been brought up in Indigenous tradition of knowing, was able to accept two very different faiths at the same time. It was easy for him to reconcile the Christian idea of heaven and hell with the idea of Onchen, the place of the dead. For people who had not grown up with the Wik spirituality, though, the idea that an Indigenous faith and a Christian faith could amalgamate so easily was difficult to believe. This is due to a lack of communication regarding the ways of knowing practised by Indigenous people. The everyday media does not discuss it when dealing with Aboriginal religion.
Perhaps the media is not the best place for this phenomenon to be discussed. In the absence of a better arena which is still accessed by the vast majority of the population, however, it is the only conceivable option.
Sutton, P. (2010). Aboriginal spirituality in a new age. The Australian Journal of Anthropology, 21: 71-89.
This makes it very difficult for an accurate transference of understanding between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.The case study in Aboriginal spirituality in a new age is a good example of this. Silas, Wolmbey, because he had been brought up in Indigenous tradition of knowing, was able to accept two very different faiths at the same time. It was easy for him to reconcile the Christian idea of heaven and hell with the idea of Onchen, the place of the dead. For people who had not grown up with the Wik spirituality, though, the idea that an Indigenous faith and a Christian faith could amalgamate so easily was difficult to believe. This is due to a lack of communication regarding the ways of knowing practised by Indigenous people. The everyday media does not discuss it when dealing with Aboriginal religion.
Perhaps the media is not the best place for this phenomenon to be discussed. In the absence of a better arena which is still accessed by the vast majority of the population, however, it is the only conceivable option.
Sutton, P. (2010). Aboriginal spirituality in a new age. The Australian Journal of Anthropology, 21: 71-89.
Tuesday, 7 May 2013
There is no neutrality in Australian media
Benjamin Isakhan's paper Orientalism and the Australian News Media deals with the issue of how Middle Eastern people, or people of Islamic faith, are represented in Australia's media outlets. It is just one of many scholarly works examining how one form of faith or another is portrayed through the media. Throughout these analyses, there is a trend towards the expectation that the media is a phenomenon which professes to be neutral, and that in its dealings with religion, it has lapsed in this neutrality. In actual fact, however, it is not only unrealistic to expect the media to maintain complete neutrality in its output, but also unproductive and undesirable.
The media is a human creation and a public creation. It will never be able to achieve complete neutrality when discussing issues that are so open to interpretation, as issues of faith and religious activity always are. Nor is it desirable that it should. If media outlets did not interpret the events and issues they covered, an entire dimension of understanding would be lost to the public. That is not to say that people who aren't journalists can't form their own opinions. The fact remains, though, that in a country such as Australia, the media acts as a kind of thermometer of public opinion. Without interpretation, this would be very difficult to understand.
Reference
Isakhan, B. (2010). Orientalism and the Australian News Media. In Rane, H., J. Ewart and M. Abdalla (eds)., Islam and the Australian News Media. Melbourne: Melbourne Uni Press.
The media is a human creation and a public creation. It will never be able to achieve complete neutrality when discussing issues that are so open to interpretation, as issues of faith and religious activity always are. Nor is it desirable that it should. If media outlets did not interpret the events and issues they covered, an entire dimension of understanding would be lost to the public. That is not to say that people who aren't journalists can't form their own opinions. The fact remains, though, that in a country such as Australia, the media acts as a kind of thermometer of public opinion. Without interpretation, this would be very difficult to understand.
Reference
Isakhan, B. (2010). Orientalism and the Australian News Media. In Rane, H., J. Ewart and M. Abdalla (eds)., Islam and the Australian News Media. Melbourne: Melbourne Uni Press.
Monday, 29 April 2013
Media representation
The media is often accused of being responsible for prevalent stereotypes found in contemporary society. Perhaps the best-known accusation of this kind is that media outlets are responsible for depicting mainstream religion as non-progressive, and new, alternative religion or spirituality as faintly ridiculous.
It is true that this is a perspective modern Western media often adopts. However, it is possible that this is due in part to certain stereotypes - or guidelines, or limitations - to which the media itself must conform. When considered, it is obvious that there are certain formulas that certain types of media do have to respect, and it is possible that these have an impact on how religion and spirituality are portrayed.
The Canadian television program Little Mosque on the Prairie is an example of this. Little Mosque is a comedy aimed at illustrating how Islam and non-Islamic societies can integrate, and as such, has a different focus on the issue than media such as journalism would have. It portrays a small Muslim community working to thrive in the fictional Canadian town of Mercy. The mosque of the title exists inside a Christian parish.
In spite of the unusual and conciliatory approach this example takes, it is still possible to observe conventions at work. As a comedy, the program has an obligation to pursue plot lines that give rise to opportunities for humour, and to represent the emotions and sensibilities of the characters with a view to the humourous, rather than the realistic. Issues that arise during an episode must be resolved, one way or another, by the end of that episode. These things may hinder the ability of the program to achieve its goal. It may not end up as a very realistic, or relatable, depiction of Muslim life in non-Muslim society.
Reference
Cañas S. 2008. The Little Mosque on the Prairie: Examining (Multi) Cultural Spaces of Nation and Religion. Cultural Dynamics, 20: 195-211
It is true that this is a perspective modern Western media often adopts. However, it is possible that this is due in part to certain stereotypes - or guidelines, or limitations - to which the media itself must conform. When considered, it is obvious that there are certain formulas that certain types of media do have to respect, and it is possible that these have an impact on how religion and spirituality are portrayed.
The Canadian television program Little Mosque on the Prairie is an example of this. Little Mosque is a comedy aimed at illustrating how Islam and non-Islamic societies can integrate, and as such, has a different focus on the issue than media such as journalism would have. It portrays a small Muslim community working to thrive in the fictional Canadian town of Mercy. The mosque of the title exists inside a Christian parish.
In spite of the unusual and conciliatory approach this example takes, it is still possible to observe conventions at work. As a comedy, the program has an obligation to pursue plot lines that give rise to opportunities for humour, and to represent the emotions and sensibilities of the characters with a view to the humourous, rather than the realistic. Issues that arise during an episode must be resolved, one way or another, by the end of that episode. These things may hinder the ability of the program to achieve its goal. It may not end up as a very realistic, or relatable, depiction of Muslim life in non-Muslim society.
Reference
Cañas S. 2008. The Little Mosque on the Prairie: Examining (Multi) Cultural Spaces of Nation and Religion. Cultural Dynamics, 20: 195-211
Nature and spirituality
This is one of the poems my three o'clock tute came up with last week.
Eternity is used to measure the mind. The sky is used to measure eternity.
While the hills are used to measure the blues, the lakes have been left lonely.
There stood the lonely house with only the lake for company,
But company it was, and in company it was kept.
Empty windows with a vigil to uphold.
Eternity is used to measure the mind. The sky is used to measure eternity.
While the hills are used to measure the blues, the lakes have been left lonely.
There stood the lonely house with only the lake for company,
But company it was, and in company it was kept.
Empty windows with a vigil to uphold.
Monday, 15 April 2013
Online Religion
Tim Hutchings' article I am Second: Evangelicals and digital storytelling discusses the evangelical video series I Am Second, in which well-known American personalities discuss struggles they have overcome through Christian faith. It analyses the techniques I Am Second uses, and their efficacy, but does not expand very far into broader issues of online religion. Using Hutchings' findings, however, it is possible to examine some of these issues.
One of the questions online religion often raises is whether it is 'as good' as religious practice in real life. I am Second is interesting in that, while it delivers religious content, it also makes it very clear that watching an IaS video is not an explicitly religious act. That is, while it encourages and sometimes inspires viewers to commit to Christianity, it does not present itself as an alternative to real life Christian communities (Hutchings, 2012). What it does do is promote the idea that digital media, such as Facebook and YouTube, can be excellent vessels for religious conversation and that religion belongs on the internet as much as it belongs anywhere.
Another issue relating to online religion is the question of whether everything that is produced is honest, with honest and harmless intentions. For example, IaS might suddenly decide to only produce videos of extreme militant fundamentalists abusing non-believers. Were this to happen, IaS would undoubtedly lose the support of evangelical Christian communities, but there would be little these communities could do to stop IaS from producing hate material in the name of evangelism.
While there may always be places on the internet where religious material is militant or exclusivist, if more religious communities maintain a cyber presence, the variation of stance online will become an accurate representation of the variation in the real world. IaS is an example of a non-denominational Christian community promoting its values online without becoming detatched from communal religion offline.
Finally, the issue of personal religious identity is often raised in relation to online religion. If a person has a developed religious identity online, is this the same as having a developed religious identity offline? Is there a difference between being part of an online religious community and being a part of a real world religious community?
In the case of IaS, this is not really an issue. The IaS community is made up of many different real world Christian communities, as well as some non-Christian viewers. What IaS does do is demonstrate how an online religious identity might add to or even inspire an offline religious identity. The two don't have to be distinct from each other. Being an IaS follower does not take the place of being a practising Christian, it encourages the viewer to develop their Christian identity.
Reference
Hutchings T. 2012. I Am Second: Evangelicals and Digital Storytelling. Australian Journal of Communication, 39(1): 71-86.
One of the questions online religion often raises is whether it is 'as good' as religious practice in real life. I am Second is interesting in that, while it delivers religious content, it also makes it very clear that watching an IaS video is not an explicitly religious act. That is, while it encourages and sometimes inspires viewers to commit to Christianity, it does not present itself as an alternative to real life Christian communities (Hutchings, 2012). What it does do is promote the idea that digital media, such as Facebook and YouTube, can be excellent vessels for religious conversation and that religion belongs on the internet as much as it belongs anywhere.
Another issue relating to online religion is the question of whether everything that is produced is honest, with honest and harmless intentions. For example, IaS might suddenly decide to only produce videos of extreme militant fundamentalists abusing non-believers. Were this to happen, IaS would undoubtedly lose the support of evangelical Christian communities, but there would be little these communities could do to stop IaS from producing hate material in the name of evangelism.
While there may always be places on the internet where religious material is militant or exclusivist, if more religious communities maintain a cyber presence, the variation of stance online will become an accurate representation of the variation in the real world. IaS is an example of a non-denominational Christian community promoting its values online without becoming detatched from communal religion offline.
Finally, the issue of personal religious identity is often raised in relation to online religion. If a person has a developed religious identity online, is this the same as having a developed religious identity offline? Is there a difference between being part of an online religious community and being a part of a real world religious community?
In the case of IaS, this is not really an issue. The IaS community is made up of many different real world Christian communities, as well as some non-Christian viewers. What IaS does do is demonstrate how an online religious identity might add to or even inspire an offline religious identity. The two don't have to be distinct from each other. Being an IaS follower does not take the place of being a practising Christian, it encourages the viewer to develop their Christian identity.
Reference
Hutchings T. 2012. I Am Second: Evangelicals and Digital Storytelling. Australian Journal of Communication, 39(1): 71-86.
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